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        LEGAL VIEW / Rakesh BhatnagarUse power of Sec. 319 CrPC sparingly
NEW DELHI: The provision for empowering the trial court to summon any person who may not have been named as an accused in a first information report or in a chargesheet seems to have been incorporated in the Code of Criminal Procedure with all good intentions, but it has bestowed criminal courts with enormous responsibility.
Section 319 CrPC gives a blanket power to the trial court to summon and even order arrest for anyone - who, it finds during the trial and recording of evidence - has committed an offence. The purpose is to keep the police and its investigation under judicial scrutiny; and to ensure that the real culprits are not ignored and the innocent and victims of crime are not accused and made to face trial. The conviction rate, even if small, must not be increased at the cost of the innocent and the criminals shielded for reason best known to investigative agencies.
But it has been observed that this provision has not been frequently exercised by courts; and whenever courts apply Section 319 in an ongoing trial, its orders are invariably challenged by the accused.
Moreover, different courts have offered conflicting opinions on the applicability of law. High courts have offered varied rulings regarding whether such an accused has the rights to cross-examine the witness on whose testimony the trial court had summoned him as an accused. Does this not violate the principle of natural justice, which guarantees that an accused must be heard before being condemned or made to suffer a prolonged trial?
The Punjab and Haryana high court's judgments on the issue of Section 319 say that the statement of the complainant without cross-examination is not admissible in evidence. Thus summoning such a person as an accused is unlawful.
But some Delhi high court judgments took a contrary view, when it held that ``the term `evidence' in Section 319 does not contemplate cross-examination by persons summoned as accused to join trial... It does not contemplate of creating of additional state of cross-examination of prosecution witnesses by those who are to be summoned and added as accused''.
Recently two persons were summoned as accused by a trial court, on the complainant's deposition during the cross examination, that they had raped her. They challenged the order on the ground that they had been arrayed as accused without having been given a chance to cross-examine the witness. They lost at the high court and the Supreme Court.
A Bench comprising M B Shah and Justice S N Variava set at rest the controversy over exercise of power under Section 319 CrPC by the trial court. It was natural for the court to appreciate facts in the particular case, where the victim of rape and abduction had herself named the petitioners, whom the police gave a clean chit. The court's application of Section 319, under the circumstances, was obvious.
But even so, this power must be exercised sparingly. Once the sessions court records the statement of a witness, it would be part of the evidence. The intent behind Section 319 is clear: Even persons who have been cleared or left out during investigation, but against whom evidence exists showing their involvement in the offence, fall within the ambit of a criminal court, and are included in the expression ``any person not being the accused''.
After all, the accused arrested on the basis of prima facie evidence collected by police, are not entitled to crossexamine the police before the trial begins.
          Capital's securityHow secure is Delhi's VIP area
The spot of the killing is within a half kilometre radius of Rashtrapati Bhavan, Parliament House, the Election Commission office (which has a police control room van), Parliament Street police station and the New Delhi DCP's office.
Phoolan Devi's immediate neighbours were MP Khagen Das and UP Chief Minister Rajnath Singh's official residence.
The killers left behind the weapons that they apparently used.
They abandoned the getaway car not far from the scene of the crime.
This isn't a stray act. It means the police later would have difficulty in connecting the criminals with the recoveries,'' the source said.
The way the MP and the PSO have been shot from a close range also indicates a professional job. ``They are evidently good marksmen. They have shot to kill their target,'' the source said.
          SWAMINOMICSA land without any justice
What does the gunning down of Phoolan Devi have to do with economic reform? A lot. The whole premise of economic reform is that the government should stop doing things that can be left to private enterprise (like running steel mills) and focus its energies on what the state alone can do, like enforcing laws and contracts, and ensuring a conducive climate for competitive enterprise. Alas, the only contracts enforced these days seem to be those put out by the mafia. The police seem very poor at catching criminals, and the courts at convicting them. When redress cannot be obtained through due process of law, it will be obtained through bullets. The villagers of Behmai know that as well as Phoolan Devi’s Mallah gang.
It is one thing for the state to withdraw from excessive economic meddling, quite another to withdraw from its basic functions of collecting taxes and delivering public services. The growing incapacity of the state to convict criminals has progressed in tandem with its incapacity to collect taxes (which are slipping as a percentage of GDP), to supply water and electricity towns, and to supply primary health and education to villages. The state is eroding, even collapsing in some areas. In these circumstances, it is a wonder that the country is able to achieve 6 per cent GDP growth.
Economic reform is about recasting the role of the state. It is not about having a weak or collapsing state. On the contrary, economic reform requires a strong and capable state that fulfils its basic functions of tax collection and service delivery. Efficiency-enhancing competition is possible only when the rules of the game are well enforced by a capable state. But, if a dysfunctional state allows laws to be flouted with immunity, if money, muscle and influence decide outcomes, then markets cannot promote competition, efficiency or social justice.
In todays context, the old argument of the public sector versus private sector is obsolete. The need of the hour is good governance. If the state cannot redress grievances and only bullets can, neither socialism nor capitalism will work, and only those with access to money, muscle and influence will prosper.
Phoolan Devi’s story is one long sequence of outrages outside the law. It started with her abduction and rape by Baba Gujjar. It continued with the murder of her rapist by her lover, Vikram Mallah. It continued with the murder of Vikram Mallah, and the subsequent mass rape she suffered in Behmai village.
The revenge she later extracted at Behmai violated the rule of law. So did her subsequent incarceration without trial for 14 years. So did the arbitrary dropping of charges against her by the Chief Ministers of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. So, too, did her own murder this week.
Even in death, the violations did not stop. Contrary to the law, her body was hijacked by the Samajwadi Party and taken to Mirzapur for a cremation aimed at extracting political capital. The law entitled her relatives to arrange her cremation, and they wanted it done in New Delhi. But Mulayam Singh Yadav coolly declared that the Samajwadi Party was her family, and nobody dared contradict a politician who could one day be Prime Minister.
Phoolan Devi’s murder may seem to have nothing to do with the privatisation of electricity in Orissa. Yet a common thread runs through both the lack of rule of law. In Orissa, the moribund state electricity board was trifurcated as part of a reform process into a generating company, Orissa Power Generating Corporation (OPGC), a transmission company (GRIDCO) and two distribution companies (CESCO and BSES). There was some controversy over whether this really would promote competition and efficiency. But optimists hoped that anything would be better than continuing with the old state electricity board, which had lost all capacity to generate power and collect dues. An American company, AES, took a 49 per cent stake in OPGC and 51 per cent stake in CESCO.
Two years down the line, privatisation is in shambles. The new owners discovered that they had been told a pack of lies about the true extent of transmission losses and theft of power. Nobody in the government has been hauled up or prosecuted for fraud. Worse, the new distribution companies inherited crooked but unsackable staff, and inflexible rules that made it impossible to fix responsibilities and deal with the corrupt and inefficient. Earlier the state electricity board was helpless to act against crooked linesmen who colluded with big consumers to fix meters, and now the private owners faced the same problem.
Besides, poor governance for years had created a culture of non-payment, of non-accountability, and a general feeling that people could keep using electricity without paying for it. So there was much indignation when CESCO attempted to check theft and leakages, and conduct door-to-door surveys. When it disconnected supplies for non-payment, huge pressure was brought to bear by officials and politicians to restore the connections, despite continued non-payment. Cases of arson and theft made work conditions impossible, according to CESCO, and the government proved unwilling or incapable of lending law and order support.
In consequence, CESCO cannot even meet its costs, let alone service its debt or earn any profit. It is supposed to put its sales receipts into an escrow account to pay Gridco for supplies.
For three months it broke this escrow account in order to pay its employees.
For this transgression it was threatened with prosecution. So CESCO is now putting its sales receipts into escrow, but no longer has enough money to pay its employees, who will doubtless become more rapacious than ever.
CESCO cannot pay the transmission company, GRIDCO, for power. GRIDCO, in turn cannot pay Orissa Power Generating Company. The same lack of governance which earlier bankrupted the public sector is now bankrupting the privatised network.
The lesson is clear. Neither privatisation nor delicensing nor anything else can work unless we have a capable state that delivers good governance. The need of the hour is not more economic reform but urgent administrative, police and judicial reform to ensure justice and redressal within a reasonable time frame.
         Crime against truckers on the rise in Bihar'
PATNA: Truckers may have gained notoriety for rash driving during the night, but they are convinced that they are the real victims in Bihar. "During the last three years, about 1600 truck drivers, helpers and even their owners have lost their lives on the roads of Bihar," said Krishna Murari Pandey, a truck owner, who has formed the Truck Parichalak Sewa Suranksha Sangh to raise this issue.
In December, four bodies of truck drivers and their helpers were recovered in a day, on the Muzaffarpur-Kanti road. Pandey and his associates jammed the road for two days in protest. "Incidents, in which truckers lost their lives, declined for few months but have increased again these days," recalls Pandey. Truckers point out that the road near Fatuha and between Pipra Kothi and Khagaria are notorious, where trucks go "missing with the driver and helper along with the goods". "Newspapers keep reporting about recovery of unidentified bodies on the road sides," he said.
"Truck dacoity is an organised crime in Bihar," said Trilokinath Shukla, coordinator of Bihar Pradesh Truck Operator Association. He informed that a gang of 22 persons, involved in truck dacoities, was caught at Fatuha three months ago. "Though there are cases when the truck was recovered or few criminals were arrested, but police seldom recovered goods being carried by the truck," Shukla said.
He said that trucks carrying tea leaves, medicines and sugar are the most targeted ones, insisting that the organised crime was a result of a nexus between transporters, wholesalers and the police. "Stolen trucks are often taken to Nepal and sold off with changed number plates or they end up in the junkyards of Kolkata or Kanpur," Shukla added.
Truckers are convinced that the killings have a lot to do with police high-handedness. "Truck drivers travel during the night to avoid policemen who ask for their papers illegally and extort money," Pandey said. He pointed out that instead of enforcing sections 113, 114 and 115 of the Motor Vehicle Act, which includes off loading the material in excess to the authorised weight (nine tonnes), the transport agencies use section 194 which includes imposing fine and virtually legalising overloading," Shukla said. He quoted a letter issued to states by the Union ministry of road transport and highways asking them to enforce section 113, 114 and 115 of the Act. "Many of the states are, however, only compounding the offence of overloading in terms of section 194 and it has become a source of revenue," remarked the Union ministry's letter.
          1 more arrested in Falta incident
KOLKATA: Muzzafar Mollah, the main accused in the assault on Antarctica Ltd manager Subir Dutta, is absconding, South 24 Parganas police superintendent Deb Kumar Gangopadhyay said on Sunday.
Dutta, who was admitted to Calcutta Medical Research Institute after the assault, was declared as "clinically dead".
With one more arrest in connexion with the assault, the total number of arrests had increased to 16, Gangopadhyay said. Those arrested were mainly criminals and relatives of Mollah, the retrenched temporary employee of Antarctica. They belonged to the locality. The unit, located at Falta Export Processing Zone, was, however, functioning.
On Saturday, Dutta was dragged out of an office bus and assaulted when he was returning home. Mollah, after retrenchment, had demanded the benefits of a permanent employee.
        Bengal budget passed without much ado
KOLKATA: In the wake of threat to state economies posed by indiscriminate imports, other states are likely to follow West Bengal and impose luxury tax on imported consumer goods.
State finance minister Asim Daspupta claimed this, dismissing on Thursday the fear of economic isolation of the Left ruled state.
The state budget was smoothly passed in the West Bengal assembly during the day on voice vote as the entire opposition staged a walkout protesting against alleged harbouring of criminals by a state minister.
The budget proposal included a 20 per cent tax on imported items ranging from motor cars to umbrellas. "The doubting Thomases questioned our sagacity when we had imposed luxury tax on imported cigarettes. Other states followed our move. This will happen this time also,'' he said.
The soft-spoken Dasgupta even joined high-decibel tirade on the compliance of the WTO obligations. He called those who were opposing his luxury tax as the 'stooges' of the US and other rich countries.
"The developed countries are pumping huge subsidy for their domestic agricultural products and escaping WTO regimen under various pretext,'' he maintained.
He also castigated the Centre for violating the Constitution, as Delhi has signed the WTO agreement without consulting the state governments. "Both the Congress and the United Front had lost the people's mandate as they succumbed to the WTO and IMF pressures,'' he maintained.
Claiming that his budget will continue to be the harbinger of an alternative economy, the MIT educated economist lauded his projection on job generations in the state as 'based on Marxism'.
According to him, his goal was to generate 600,000 jobs a year and his vehicle will be the hitherto largely untapped resources as well as infrastructure of state co-operatives and panchayats.
He exhorted the assembly to build 'mass movements' against the 'discrimination' to the state by the commercial banks so that they cough up more money as loans to self-employed people here .
Despite the much hyped private investments in the state, Dasgupta admitted that the increase in the jobs generated in the private sector was nominal. In contrast to the decrease of jobs in the central government units based in the state, he stressed on the rise in the jobs in the state government departments.
Predictably, Dasgupta did not mention downsizing of the state government but promised to cut down his revenue deficit by taking austerity drives including reduction in foreign jaunts by the ministers and bureaucrats. But at the same breath,he also claimed that his deficit budgets were actually surplus budgets at the end of the year.
Rattling figures, he rubbished allegations about the lack of infrastructure for industrial resurgence. If the whizkid of Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government is to be believed, West Bengal is next to Punjab and Maharashtra in roads construction and second to Kerala only so far the health indicators are concerned.
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          Kerala joins hands with Karnataka to check smuggling
        Cabinet minister involved in arms license racket
         BJP leader's arrest a blow to party's poll prospects
         BJP demands special House session on law and order
         1 more arrested in Falta incident

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